In Aberdeen Street, nestled between old suburban homes, lies a house just like the other ones in the street. I ring the doorbell, but no one comes to open the door. I hear faint laughter coming from the back, so I walk around and find a small courtyard with two women sitting on a couch. They immediately greet me, and once I disclose who I am, one of them guides me inside. 

She leads me into a warmly lit room with an old fireplace, no longer in use, and pale white walls. She introduces me to a very diverse group of women, from different cultural backgrounds and ages. They all shake my hand and soothe my nerves with friendly smiles. 

The women in front of me are not wearing flamboyant or revealing clothing. Their clothing looks comfortable—knee long dresses, tank tops and jeans. They all tell me their names. One of them hesitates before saying her name is Hallie. She makes a joke about how she has to remember who she is today, which makes the others laugh. It feels like a private joke between them.

The house I am in belongs to a not-for-profit organisation known as Magenta, one of the few organisations in WA led by sex workers.

Usually media-shy, the women have agreed to speak with me about their working conditions and the legal framework that makes them feel unsafe.

They are not alone. Researchers and academics agree that criminalising sex work compromises workers’ health and safety. There are different legal frameworks governments can adopt—such as licensing, decriminalisation and the end-demand model—but decriminalisation is considered the safest option with better social and health outcomes. WA’s current criminalisation framework poses several challenges and sex workers and their advocates are calling for a different approach. 

Although sex on the internet has become more widely accessible with sites such as Pornhub and OnlyFans, providing sex workers the opportunity to distribute content without leaving their homes, there is still a market for face-to-face physical contact. This market is led by local sex workers, who, unlike those online, have to navigate the law everyday. 

Just over a year ago, Queensland fully decriminalised sex work. Two years earlier, Victoria did the same, and even before that, the Northern Territory fully adopted decriminalisation. However, in Western Australia, while sex work itself is not illegal, many activities related to it remain criminalised.

The last time the WA parliament seriously discussed sex work was in 2013, when the 2011 Prostitution Bill was reconsidered. Sex workers at the time protested against it and demanded decriminalisation. Although the Bill was not passed and decriminalisation was not adopted, many were left wondering: what would it take for WA to finally change its laws?

Colonial era

Sex work is often called the ‘oldest profession in the world,’ dating back to 2400 BCE and maybe longer. In Australia, prostitution was first documented with the arrival of the First Fleet in 1788. 

Dr Leigh Straw is an Associate Professor in History and the author of The Petticoat Parade: Madam Monnier and the Roe Street Brothels. She explains that sex work in WA began in the 19th century.

“There were three major areas for it in Western Australia. One place was Kalgoorlie, largely because of the gold rushes, where you have a movement of predominantly men, and then there’s a demand for sex work. And then Perth, of course. Perth and Fremantle were major areas for sex work in Western Australia.”

In Perth, sex work was contained in specific areas. One of those areas was Roe Street. According to Dr Straw, brothels were originally in Wellington Street, but as Perth continued to develop, police pushed sex work out of the centre of the city and into Roe Street. 

“Roe Street is symbolic of this divide in the city, between the work that is accepted in the central business district and the work that’s not accepted.”

Brothels were not legal back then. According to Dr Straw, sex workers working in brothels knew that the place could be raided at any time.

“Back then, the law around sex work was delineated in terms of whether you worked on the street or in a brothel. If you solicited sex on the street, you could be charged and convicted, and face up to a matter of weeks or months in prison for that. So, there was a criminalisation of acts deemed to be against the public order. Men could be prosecuted for living off the proceeds of prostitution. Usually, when people were charged, it was for related offences and not necessarily for running a brothel as such.”

Keeping a brothel is still illegal in WA, but brothels still exist and are vulnerable to police raids and intervention. Street-based sex work and living off the earnings of another person’s sex work are also still criminalised.

Dr Elena Jeffreys is a WA-born sex worker and academic. She is currently the Policy and Advocacy Manager at Scarlet Alliance, the representative organisation for sex workers in Australia. According to Dr Jeffreys, WA’s current laws are rooted in its colonial past.

“In Victorian England, there were a lot of aspects of sexuality that were highly criminalised. And they weren’t just statutes or laws in books gathering dust somewhere. They were actually being enforced.

“People who were openly gay would spend time in prison. And the activity of keeping a brothel or basically anything outside of working alone was criminalised during the Victorian era in the UK. When the sex work laws were being written in Australia, between the 1880s and 1910, the Victorian era criminalisation of sex work was just wholeheartedly adopted and put into law in Australia.” 

WA law

Sex work laws in WA are found in three documents: the Prostitution Act 2000, the Criminal Code Act 1913 and the Liquor Control Act 1988.

Dr Michelle Bordoni is an international relations and human rights researcher with a focus on sex work law.

“What the Prostitution Act targets primarily is street-based sex work, so they target crimes like soliciting and seeking someone to engage in prostitution. We also have living off the earnings of prostitution and lots of other offences. And then, under the criminal code, we have the offence of brothel keeping at Section 190, and that targets brothel owners and managers primarily. And also tenants. And then, in Section 191 of the Criminal Code is the crime of procuring someone to become a prostitute.”

According to the Criminal Code, ‘living off the earnings’ applies to people who live with a sex worker or are in constant company of one and have no visible means of income. On the other hand, a brothel keeper is defined quite loosely in the legislature as someone who takes a percentage of earnings provided on the premises. 

“The crime of living off the earnings essentially targets third parties. So say, for example, that you are supporting a partner with your earnings, or that you’re supporting your child, or that you’re working with another sex worker in the same building. Then, that other person might be charged with living off the earnings. Or, at the same time, if they’re working with another sex worker for safety reasons, they could be charged with the offence of brothel keeping,” Dr Bordoni explains.

The offence of brothel keeping also applies to third parties, who could be liable for allowing sex work to operate on their premises.

Emma Softly was a sex worker for 20 years and is currently the president of SWEAR, a volunteer and sex worker-led organisation that provides peer support, education, advocacy and outreach services to WA sex workers. SWEAR also helps sex workers understand WA law and what rights they have under it.

With a gentle, but also firm voice, she outlines the situation: “As it stands, independent sex work is legal. In theory, this means a sex worker should be able to work from their home or a workspace, visit a client’s home, or work from a hotel or motel. However, local councils and landlords can prohibit sex workers from operating in private residential premises. And hotel managers often kick out sex workers who they have found, or are even just suspected of, doing sex work on their premises. And it’s also illegal as a sex worker to hire any support, such as a security guard or driver.”

Ms Softly says these measures isolate sex workers, forcing them to work alone.

“Which is pretty crazy because it’s safer to rent an apartment with another sex worker so you can keep an ear out for each other during bookings and also share the rent costs. So our laws are really inconsistent and force sex workers to choose between working legally or working safely.”

Dr Bordoni says that laws such as these have a huge impact on sex workers’ human rights. She also worries about the role the police play, as they are the main body in charge of enacting the regulation of sex work in WA.

“In the Prostitution Act, there is a provision that says police are allowed to request a body cavity search on any person that they suspect might be committing a sex work-related offence under the Prostitution Act or other legislation. 

“So, what this means is that the police can essentially stop anybody who, according to their own judgment, is engaging in sex work, and they can request for their body cavities to be searched by a nurse or a medical professional. 

“That’s not necessarily enforced very often, but when you look into what that means for the person who might undergo this body cavity search: it’s very traumatising and it severely impacts the right to bodily integrity and even the right to be free from cruel and inhumane treatment.”

Police

There are two main problems with rendering the police as the regulators for sex work. The first one is that sex workers stop seeing police as the people meant to protect them. Instead, police become a source of fear of prosecution and arrest.

Ms Softly says: “One time, I had a client who was really rough with me, and I asked him several times to stop, or I would end the service. And the client’s response to that was: ‘What are you going to do? It’s not like you’re going to go to the police.’ And, you know, they were right. I wasn’t.”

Reluctance to go to the police is a common thing among sex workers.

“At the time, I had no idea what the laws were around sex work in WA, and I’d heard stories from some of my friends who were sex workers who’d gone to report that a client had assaulted them or stolen their money or something, and they’d be laughed at by the police when they tried to make a report. 

“A lot of sex workers even worry that they could get in trouble themselves for soliciting if they go and report a crime. So, I feel like clients know that they can get away with treating sex workers like this in a criminalised context. 

“Since being involved with SWEAR, I have supported other workers to report crimes to the police, and although the police have written reports, it never seems to go anywhere. So it kind of feels like justice is never even pursued, let alone served.”

Street-based sex workers are more likely to have encounters with police due to the visibility of their work. Move-on notices grant police the power to prohibit someone from a particular area for up to 24 hours.

According to Ms Softy, although there are not a large number of street-based sex workers left in WA, police can still issue move-on notices—even if the sex worker is living or residing within the prohibited area. This causes a significant inconvenience as sex workers might be unable to access their home or essential services, like a pharmacy or grocery store.

“I really feel like the over-policing of street-based sex work is a bit of a cheap shot by the police because it’s affecting workers who are already marginalised or vulnerable in some way. They’re not hurting or bothering anyone. They’re just trying to earn a living and get by.”

The second problem with rendering police as the regulators of sex work is that instances of police abusing their power can happen. This is because the law is not completely clear about what “reasonable grounds” or “sufficient force” mean, but many sex workers claim to have encountered unfair police treatment and harassment.

Brandy is a sex worker who also volunteers at SWEAR. Throughout her career, she has had many negative encounters with police. Brandy seems a bit nervous when we start talking. Her voice shakes a little, but as the interview progresses her voice becomes firmer and more confident when she recounts her experience. 

“In my 20s, when I worked in brothels, it was routine for police to pick you up on your way into work or pick you up outside your work and say: ‘Oh, we need to take you for questioning.’ And they don’t. And they would drive you out very far and then say: ‘Oh, we don’t need to.’ And leave you there, just so that you miss a night of work, just for fun. Or you would get randomly pulled over by certain officers and they’d do a pat-down search, which was essentially sexual assault. It was like a routine behaviour. And if you were a sex worker, you were a target. They knew that they could stop you, and search you and touch you up. And what are you going to do about it? Tell the police?”

Although Brandy recognises that it might have only been a few officers who engaged in that behaviour and that the incidents happened more than 10 years ago, she still feels the repercussions of that behaviour. When I ask her if she would feel comfortable going to the police for help today, she says:

“Never. While I believe that kind of behaviour has died out, no, the police are not on our side. We’ve been asking for a sex worker liaison police officer for many years, and they don’t believe it’s necessary. We can’t get it. I know someone who says she’s had a good experience and recommends the officer that dealt with her case. But, you know, we’ve had workers try to report assault, and the officer has tried flirting with them; has said something along the lines of: ‘Oh, well, I can see why he’ll do that.’ And intended it to be some sort of sick compliment or flirtation like: ‘Oh, she’s so good-looking. Of course, you’d want to assault her.’ 

“We’ve had someone else report an assault and then found out later that the officer that they reported to has found their work on Instagram and started following them and DMing them. The levels of inappropriateness are shocking. So yeah, I would never go to the police for help.”

Brandy says that this fear of police detracts sex workers from caring for their own safety.

“It’s just knowing that I have to hide this. It’s as simple as you could get pulled over for a random breathalyser. And, you know, they ask ‘what are you up to tonight? Where are you going?’ And you can’t tell the truth because you don’t know what the reaction will be, but then you’ve got to suddenly become a very good liar.

“It’s just the constant stress and anxiety that this could be used against you. And the laws in WA give police so much power. Thankfully, they don’t enforce all of those laws strictly, but to know that they can means that you have to be super cautious about everything you do. So rather than my number one priority being I want to work in the way that’s best for me or I want to screen this client, it’s like, no, the number one priority is not drawing the attention of the police.”

Western Independent reached out to WA Police to ask if officers received any special training to deal with vulnerable groups like sex workers and to comment on the relationship between sex workers and police. This was their response: “They are members of the community, and as such, they are treated with the same respect and courtesy during interactions with us as any other member of the public.”

Dr Jeffreys was not surprised by their response.

“The key issue here for police is that it’s not fair on the police to task them with the job of enforcing illogical criminal laws against sex workers. I think it’s less a question of what skills the police have to enforce regulation because they don’t have any. So I think the decriminalisation of sex work is going to be the start of the conversation about improving police practices.”

Different frameworks

There are four frameworks governments can implement when it comes to sex work. Those are: Criminalisation; Legalisation (or licensing); Decriminalisation; and the End-Demand Model.

Criminalisation doesn’t necessarily mean that sex work is illegal. It means that most aspects of sex work are criminalised and can be prosecuted. In Australia, criminalisation is used by WA, Tasmania and South Australia.

Legalisation, or licensing, is perhaps the most misunderstood framework. Legalising sex work might seem like the repeal of all laws, but this is not the case. Instead, legalisation means the introduction of specific laws and regulations that sex workers must adopt to make their practice legal and not prosecuted. 

Before adopting Decriminalisation, Queensland, Victoria and the Northern Territory were under a licensing system. The Sex Work Industry Review, commissioned by Queensland’s attorney-general, recommended abolishing licensing as it is “not effective and not needed.” The Victorian Government said something similar: “The previous licensing system was outdated and difficult to navigate for those trying to work within it.”

Dr Jeffreys explains: “The problem with licensing is that it creates a two-tiered industry where the sections of the industry that are able to comply with special rules get to call themselves legal, because they can obtain and pay for a license. Everybody else, that doesn’t fit under the government’s idea of what the sex industry business should look like, stays illegal because they’re excluded from the licensing system.”

However, it is not just businesses that need to comply with specific rules. Individuals must also follow those rules.

“It’s not just that people don’t want to be legal. When the government makes those kinds of rules, they make special rules like: you can only work in an industrial area; you can’t work if you’re HIV positive; or you can’t work if you have a criminal record. Then, all of a sudden, you can see three groups of people that won’t be able to sign the rules because they don’t meet the rules. And so, the problem with legalisation is that it discriminates.”

The End-Demand Model goes by many names. Popularly, it has been known as the Nordic or Swedish model because countries such as Norway, Sweden and Iceland have adopted it. Other names include abolitionism, equality model and partial decriminalisation. This framework decriminalises sex work but criminalises those paying for sex. A sex worker can work and promote or do any other activities related to their work without prosecution. Their clients, however, are breaking the law and can be prosecuted. The main objective of this framework is to reduce sex trafficking by ending the demand for sex work.

According to The Global Network of Sex Work Projects, an international organisation for sex workers’ rights, there is no evidence that the End-Demand Model decreases the amount of sex work out there. It also fails to consider sex workers’ voices by taking away their agency and choice. For some, sex work is a rewarding practice.

When I ask Hallie how long has she been a sex worker, she leans forward and says with a smile on her face: “Good question! I have just celebrated my 10th year anniversary.”

Hallie finds her work to be very fulfilling.

“I’m a very social person. I got into sex work because I love meeting people. I love meeting diverse people as well. People who are different and understand what it’s like to be different. I specialise in clients with disabilities. And I meet clients of all different abilities and personalities and things that they’re looking for as well. I love the variety in meeting people out there. Without sex work, I could not have travelled to every single state and territory in Australia. I now have industry friends and colleagues in every state and territory in Australia. And I’m so, so, so happy and proud of that.”

Sex work can also provide alternative work arrangements for those who need it, like Ms Softly.

“It’s really something that can empower women and people who are not generally top dogs in this patriarchal society. When I first started doing sex work, it was great because I could fit it around the hours that I was studying. I only had to do two nights a week, and I was earning more than someone working a full-time job, so it meant that I could study at the same time. And then, years later, when I had my daughter and my daughter’s got special needs, I only had to work 1 or 2 nights a week, and it meant that I could spend a lot more time and more money on my daughter and the therapies that she needed. I do know that for workers with chronic illness or disabilities, it’s great because it’s flexible around their needs.”

Another problem with the End-Demand Model is that it can create unsafe situations for sex workers.

“Criminalising those who buy sex means clients are less willing to offer up their ID or personal information to sex workers, which makes it harder for sex workers to do their usual screening processes. And, in making it harder for buyers of sex to access sex services, sex workers may also end up doing sex work in ways or places that are more risky than they would have previously. The demand model also criminalises third parties, which means it’s illegal for a landlord to rent out a property to a sex worker, as this can be considered pimping. So this means sex workers can also lose their workspace or even their home,” says Ms Softly.

Decriminalisation means the repeal of criminal laws associated with sex work. In places where decriminalisation has been implemented, such as Queensland, Victoria and the Northern Territory, laws regarding exploitation of children, sexual assault of sex workers and trafficking remain. Under decriminalisation, sex work is treated like any other working industry and is subjected to labour laws, giving workers protection under the law.

The case for Decriminalisation

Many of the challenges sex workers face every day could be improved by our current workplace protection laws.

Sex workers in WA have reported that sex industry workplaces like brothels, escort agencies or massage parlours engage in “sham contracting”. According to the WA state industrial relations system, sham contracting happens “when an employer knowingly disguises an employment relationship by telling an employee that they are being hired as an independent contractor when they are really an employee.” Ms Softly and Brandy say that, in practice, this manifests as employers not allowing workers to work at another place on their days off or employers imposing fines and deducting pay if a worker is late to a shift or calls in sick.

“Unfortunately, sex industry workplaces tend to get away with it because we don’t really have much of a leg to stand on when it comes to workplace rights. And again, with brothels being illegal in WA, a lot of sex workers don’t want to report workplace issues because it could ultimately result in their workplace being raided or shut down, which would leave them and other sex workers out of a job,” says Ms Softly.

Non-white sex workers like Hallie, who has a Chinese background, are also more vulnerable to exploitation.

“For whatever reason, Asian sex workers are literally valued less. We’re often expected to do more things, more services for the same amount of money, or we’re expected to offer unsafe services or services that you could charge for, but they don’t want to pay. There are brothels that will have different payment rates for white or Caucasian workers and non-white workers. They say it’s because they want to attract different types of people. In reality, it’s because they don’t want to pay us people of colour the same amount as the white workers,” she says.

If Hallie was working in a non-criminalised industry, she would be protected by the Fair Work Commission under unlawful workplace discrimination, but, because her workplace is criminalised, taking legal action is not a viable option.

Some of the arguments against Decriminalisation say that it would increase the amount of street-based work. 

In New Zealand, the first country in the world to adopt Decriminalisation, there is no proof to show that street-based sex work has increased. In fact, reports such as The Impact of Decriminalisation on the Number of Sex Workers in New Zealand indicate that numbers remained the same six years after decriminalisation as they were before, or they had slightly decreased. 

Dr Roanna Lobo is a senior lecturer at the Curtin School of Population Health. She is one of the authors of the Western Australian Law and Sex Worker Health (LASH) Study, one of the few studies on sex work in WA. 

“There’s no evidence to show that Decriminalisation has a negative effect. There are views that it’ll increase the number of people engaging in sex work. There are other views that are also completely without evidence that sex work spreads sexually transmitted infections. Incorrect. They have the lowest rates amongst most of the population because they do take care to prevent STIs,” says Dr Lobo.

Dropping criminal offences against sex work would also mean that the police would no longer be in charge of regulating sex work.

“Removing police as enforcers of sex work legislation frees up police time and resources to focus on other matters. So that’s a plus for the community too,” says Ms Softly.

Another argument against Decriminalisation is that it would increase sex trafficking and fail to prosecute those involved in it. For Dr Jeffreys, however, Decriminalisation would help combat sex trafficking, especially for people who consent to sex work but not the conditions around it created by a third party.

“My response to politicians who say: ‘What about sex workers who don’t want to do it? What about sex workers who are being exploited?’ Is to say: ‘It’s much easier to put your hand up for help if you’re experiencing exploitation, if you’re not criminalised in your workplace.’ Then you can actually access work health and safety.”

Beyond the law

Beyond the legal framework, many sex workers experience stigma and unfair treatment in their everyday lives because of their jobs. Ms Softly recalls how this stigma has impacted her life.

“I went to the emergency department at my local hospital for something completely unrelated to sex work. But because I did have sex work on my file that had been sent over by my regular GP, the nurses insisted that I still do a pregnancy and STI test. 

“And then I also had, many years ago, a GP start talking inappropriately, like sexual stuff, when I disclosed that I was a sex worker. We grew up being told the healthcare professionals can be trusted. Yet these people were using my personal information against me. So that was pretty disheartening. 

“And then, I’ve experienced a sort of judgment from friends, family and guys I’ve dated over the years. As well as name-calling and even personal threats from total randoms online on social media. Unfortunately, those kinds of things are pretty standard for a lot of sex workers.”

In Queensland and the Northern Territory, Decriminalisation also meant the introduction of anti-vilification and anti-discrimination measures by directly referencing sex work in existing laws, such as the Anti Discrimination Act 1992.

However, even with changes in the law, sex workers can still be vulnerable to discrimination as the population’s perception of sex work won’t necessarily change with the laws. 

In Victoria, sex workers have said that they still do not feel comfortable reporting incidents because of the prevailing stigma. Organisations such as Southside Justice have helped and empowered sex workers to achieve justice. That’s why many sex workers hope that decriminalisation would come hand-in-hand with more funding for not-for-profits. 
In WA, Magenta and SWEAR provide peer support, with the former also providing free clinical, counselling and legal services, as well as other resources.

Dr Lobo says that community is very beneficial to workers’ wellbeing.

“When sex workers are only working alone, in their own homes, in client homes, maybe in cars and other places, it goes under the radar. It becomes underground and what they lose is that peer support, and that knowledge, and education and health promotion. Previously, they might have learned that from more experienced sex workers, learned how to keep themselves safe. Whereas when they’re working on their own, they don’t really have that capacity to speak to other people and learn from other people. And here in WA, we have a lot of overseas sex workers. They have other challenges around language and navigating health systems.”

When I visited Magenta, I talked to a sex worker named Roxy, who had been involved with the organisation for a long time. Roxy is older than the other women in the room. She wears a denim cap and speaks very softly. However, as she speaks, she enjoys a good laugh and is not shy to talk openly about her experience. 

“When I was working out on the streets 20 years ago, if it wasn’t for the girls here, oh, I can seriously say I’d be dead, if it wasn’t for them. Even just things like screaming out ‘fire’ instead of ‘rape’—no one comes out if you call out ‘rape’. Girls don’t have access to the information, like I said, information that saved me, that I think would be really useful. To the point that even, once I’m clean, I’d like to volunteer here to be able to help younger girls. I love this place. I really do. These girls are priceless. They’re like gold. They’re diamonds. Oh, they really are,” she says.

Roxy also recognises that visibility of the industry is a big issue.

“I think, unfortunately, because of the girls having to work in the outer suburbs, they would be putting themselves at more risk, having to be more sneaky about it. That just pushes it out into the dark and just puts more people at risk.”

Magenta and SWEAR also host educational events for people outside the sex industry to help reduce stigma.

Looking ahead

Circling back to the last time sex work was discussed in the WA parliament. It was because of the 2011 Prostitution Bill. The Bill sought to “strictly regulate the few locations where prostitution would be permitted to occur and provide police with the clarity needed to respond to public complaints and close down unlawful brothels in the suburbs.” 

The Liberal Government at the time wanted to take a more moralistic outlook on sex work. It claimed the Bill was proposed because the “ordinary Western Australian” did not want to see sex work near their homes or their children’s schools. However, not all members were supportive of this.

John Bowler, the Liberal member for Kalgoorlie, was reluctant to support the Bill as the town’s sex work industry has contributed to its tourism and cultural scene. Australia’s oldest brothel, Questa Casa, is located in Kalgoorlie and is still in operation, doubling as a popular museum and tourist attraction.

The Bill had a second reading in parliament but never reached a third. Twelve years have passed since then, and the Liberal and Labor governments have shown no sign of wanting to discuss the issue of decriminalisation. Although it is hard to know why this is the case, academics have some theories as to why WA has not followed in the footsteps of the other states/territories.

ABC News reporting on the parliamentary debate June 15, 2011

Dr Bordoni believes it might come down to human rights legislation.

“In Victoria, the discussion around the decriminalisation of sex work was very much focused on human rights. And I think it helped that Victoria already had a state-level human rights charter. Such an instrument is missing in WA. I can’t say for sure that’s why, but I think it helps to have a charter or a Human Rights Act at a state level because Australia doesn’t have a Human Rights Act at the federal level.”

On the other hand, Dr Lobo believes politicians’ ideologies might be to blame.

“I think it possibly could just come down to the optics of it. If you’ve got a government with fairly conservative views that believes sex work is bad, that it ruins relationships and undermines women, I can only think that they might not want to be viewed as the ones condoning this type of behaviour.”

Dr Lobo also believes sex work might not be a priority for politicians. 

“Sometimes with governments, it’s the things that the broader population are complaining about, the issues that will help you succeed at the voting polls if there’s an election, and I don’t think sex work is one of those things. I guess from a priority perspective, it’s just not that high. And I don’t quite know how we can raise its urgency. Obviously, for sex workers, it’s a high priority. And we’d love to change that as soon as possible. But when you’ve got 15 other laws that you’ve got to pass that have to do with mining or education or health service investment, maybe it falls off the table.”

Western Independent reached out to Attorney General Tony Buti to ask about the likelihood of the current government passing any legislation on sex work and whether that would include decriminalisation. A spokesperson from his office said that the issue of decriminalising sex work, or anything associated with sex work, “is not currently on the State Government’s agenda”.

The Greens have publicly supported decriminalisation in other states, and they say they would do the same in WA, but as of the time this article was written, they hadn’t introduced any bills to parliament.

The Liberal Party of Australia, on the other hand, has been against decriminalisation of sex work in other states, which makes them unlikely to support any bills related to it.

Since our last election in March 2025, the Labor Government has not needed Liberal support to pass legislation.

Dr Jeffreys says this means it’s time for things to change.

“Western Australia might have a lot of legislative needs at the moment. But the topic of sex work has just been left to languish too long. It’s too long. It needs to be addressed because every time that it’s not addressed, it’s another day that sex workers are not enjoying the same human rights as all the workers in Western Australia. So it’s way overdue. And it doesn’t have to be complicated. It’s not about inventing the wheel. It’s about putting in place things that the evidence shows are working elsewhere.”

Despite the challenges, sex workers remain hopeful that WA will join the other states soon. But in the meantime, sex workers like Hallie, Roxy and Brandy continue to face discrimination and risks simply because of their profession.

You can hear this story as a podcast here.